ABSTRACT
The paper attempts a vivid discussion of the festival
tradition in Okpe land with a view to establishing
the Edegbrode annual festival as theatre comparable to other traditional
theatre forms in the country.
The structural organization of the festival and its nature as a youth
play identifies it as a potential tourist
attraction capable of yielding economic values to the nation. The paper
therefore attempts to place
within the broader perspective, the argument of viable traditional
theatre forms in Okpe land in particular
and Africa in general
INTRODUCTION:
It is without doubt that the arts are a veritable
source of livelihood and economic empowerment. Before the advent of
modernity, the Okpe people are known to have lived and prospered by the
works of their hands, the arts and crafts inclusive. Music, dance,
masquerade performances, masseurs and masseuses, weaving, carving and
canoe making est. are major money spinners that have sustained
traditional societies through the centuries. Thus, the "Owena" (skilled
artiste or artisan) is regarded as "Ohovwore" ("ehovwore" plural,
meaning a person of wealth or substance) and he is next to the "Ekakuro"
("Okakuro" singular, meaning titled chiefs) in social stratification
among most Okpe community. This placement of the artiste or artisan high
on the social ladder in Okpe society emphasizes the high premium placed
by the Okpe people on the arts. Thus it is a mark of achievement to be
recognized as an accomplished artiste or artisan.
Culture is an axis around which artistic activities
revolve. A single theatrical presentation, for instance, gives a
panoramic view of the culture of a people, hence dress styles; crafts,
dances, and other forms of artistic and religious expression all find
full conveyance in the theatrical activities. "Theatre in Africa as
such, has been a source of community entertainment and education towards
awareness generation" (Sotimirin, 162).
This essay is not an attempt to vividly define what
drama and theatre is, but it is an attempt at pointing out theatrical
and dramatic elements in African traditional festivals. The author of
this essay is of the opinion that African traditional festivals contain
drama and theatre, and not "quasi dramatic elements"(Finnegan, 500), as
Ruth Finnegan would have it and therefore capable of yielding economic
returns to the benefit of the practitioner and the community.
Using the Edegbrode annual festival as a reference
point, the author attempts to refute E. T. Kirby's rigid classification
of all African performances into seven categories. Viz: -"simple
enactment, ritual and ritualized enactment, story telling performances,
spirit cult enactment, ceremonial enactment, and comedies" (Kirby, 64).
The Edegbrode annual festival rightly falls into four (4) of the above
Kirby's classification namely: Ritual and ritualized enactment,
Masquerades and Masquerade enactment, ceremonial enactment and spirit
cult enactment.
For the purpose of clarifying our main concern in this
essay, we shall also classify Nigerian drama and theatre into three
broad categories: Contrary to the two broad classifications made by Yemi
Ogunbiyi and J. P. Clark (see Ogunbiyi, 74; Clark, 1981) into the
traditional and literary forms. We want to make a clearer distinction
between the different forms of drama now existing in the country based
on historical and sociological factors. The three easily identifiable
groups are:
1. 'The Traditional: By this we mean drama as it
exists in its various forms in traditional communities, which have
survived till date - communal drama (festivals, folk performances,
ceremonial dances, e.t.c). As it was in pre-colonial times, the
traditional theatre gave room for full participation of members of the
audience. This participation can be in various ways; serving as part of
the choric force, singing, refraining, dancing, helping with the props,
e.t.c.
2. The Neo-Traditional: This is the traditional
theatre used in a new context. It is the modern popular traditional
drama. Modern because of its relevance, contemporaneousness, and its
flirtation with the literary and western forms; popular because of its
wide acceptance by the commonality of the people. It still retains its
close affinity and direct ancestry with the traditional forms. It
features materials taken from the traditional repertoire and fits them
into new circumstances as exemplified by the theatres of Ogunde, Ladipo,
Ogunmola e.t.c. Their performances have known authors.
3. The Literary: Literary is used in its usual sense
to mean theatre that grew out of the churches, schools and universities.
This theatre features a synthesis of African and Euro-American forms.
The literary dramatists are those who have been exposed to Western forms
through travels, training, and cross-cultural synthesis. Their work is
thus bi-cultural'. (Eni, 6-7)
Our main concern in this essay is with the first
group. A careful appraisal of the foregoing will point out in
well-defined terms the difficulty in attempting a rigid classification
of all African traditional performances. Typical to African traditional
performances is the fluidity with which the drama embraces other aspects
of the theatre. The Edegbrode Annual Festival rightly exemplifies this
fluidity and traditionalism.
BACKGROUND HISTORY
Edegbrode is a community in Elume clan, in Sapele
local government area of Delta State. The name Edegbrode is a corruption
of the Okpe word, "Esegberode", which literally means, "to fall upon a
name". The Edegbrode people are part of the larger Okpe kingdom with
Orere-Okpe as their ancestral home. They are like all other Okpe people
in all respect; the only distinguishing factor is the fact that they
have a set of annual festivals, ranging from youth play to very
complicated adult performances, which are celebrated separately from all
other Okpe general festivals. The main occupation of the Edegbrode
people like other Okpe people is Farming, fishing, and petty trading,
contact with modern ways of life has however led many of them into white
collar jobs.
The Edegbrode annual festival, which is purely a youth
play started not long ago with no religious undertone. But however, the
festival now has the attention of "Iben", the river god with the eldest
man in the community as its Chief priest.
Structural Organization of the Edegbrode Annual
Festival
Prelude to the Performances:
It takes months of strenuous rehearsals before the
performances in a public arena. Like any theatre production, the
rehearsal period is of utmost importance to the success of the
performances. These rehearsals take place in the "Efi" (sacred grove).
Only initiates are allowed to see and take part in the rehearsals. The
rehearsals are taken very seriously as the performance itself. The
rehearsal period stretches from two to three months or even more as the
case may be.
The performance in a public Arena:
The presentation in a public arena is in three acts or
sections. It stretches from morning till evening. It rightly falls into
the Aristotelian definition of drama as having a beginning, middle and
an ending (logos, prologos and denouement). The beginning act, which
takes place in the morning, is the introductory act. The middle act
takes place in the afternoon. While the third act which takes place in
the evening is the concluding act or the denouement. Each act is
complete, having a beginning, middle and an ending.
Like in the early Grecian festivals in Athens where
the Attic trilogies were presented, the interlude between each act is
taking as the period for recreation and refreshment in which visitors
make friends and are entertained, while the actors change into new
costumes in preparation for the next act. The performances usually take
place on the 25th of December with a repeat performance on the 1st of
January. The Christmas and New Year holiday in this area is usually
climaxed with this festival.
Act One (Morning Sessions):
This act features the "Agbakara" (Crocodile) and the
Oloda (shark) Masquerades. All are totemic symbols of the gods that
inhabit the waters, which nurtures the main occupation of the Edegbrode
people. This set of Masquerades dramatises the struggle for food between
the Oloda and the Agbakara in the water.
After a heavy down pour of rain, the Oloda comes out
in order of father, mother and child to look for food. After feeding on
the smaller fishes in the river, the Oloda is prepared to return home.
It is at this point that the conflict begins. The Agbakara, who also is
hungry, comes out and is ready to feed on the Oloda. A fight ensues and
by shear chance the Oloda manages to escapes from the grip of the
Agbakara with his family.
These set of masquerades are very aggressive. Because
of the nature of the Oloda to always care for and protect his wife and
children. No one dares to go near any of the masquerade. Any one who
violates this rule receives some machete cuts.
Act Two (Afternoon Session):
This act is a dramatization of those forces, which
lives in the water, which, in agreement with other land forces bestows
on man potent charms to fight evil forces. This act, which is the middle
act, is packed with a lot of songs. The Eloda (Eloda plural, Oloda,
singular) Masquerades comes out of the sacred grove led by the Obo
(Chief priest). They move to the "Agwele" (shrine) where the Chief
priest pour libation to the gods imploring them to guide the performance
to a successful ending. Before this set of masquerades move to the
performance arena, otherwise the stage to perform, an initiate fences
the performing area with fresh palm leafs. This is to prevent any
unclean person from crossing the performance area and also to ward off
evil charms. Unclean person means a man who slept with a woman the
previous night or a woman who is under her menstrual period. First, the
Obo dances round blowing the white orchare (native chalk) he is holding
while reciting incantations, the audience, being part of the performance
sing:
Damu-Urhoro
Ijoro-ebome-e
Damu-Urhoro
Which interpreted means:
"I will spur the giver of wealth
And children to action
With my ritual song."
As the audience is singing this song, the masquerades
take their turn, one after the other to dance and entertain the
audience. At this juncture, the Obo returns to the stage, this time
singing more fiercely:
Solo: Avbafio ragha mero 'bara-a
All: Utirio...
Solo: Evbesihio' tore mero' bara-a
All: Utirio----
Translation:
Solo: You can never see blood when you dissect a snail
All: Never.
Solo: You can never get blood when you pound the earth
All: Never.
As this song is in progress, the Obo and one of the
masquerade dramatizes the potency of traditional medicine. Obo begins by
asking for bottles from the audience, which he breaks on a mat. The Obo
then lies on the broken bottles with his belly while the masquerade
jumps on his back dancing violently without the Obo sustaining any
injury or bottle cuts. Following the display of his medical prowess, the
Obo and his apprentice take their exit while the masquerades follow in
order of father, mother, and son.
It is pertinent to note that, the Obo is also the
choric leader or mastersinger for the festival. In the interlude, which
precedes the last act, men who have once done the mask in their youth
come out to dance, showing their skills in doing the masquerade dance,
miming how they use to do it when the blood of youth was still flowing
in their veins. The interval also serves as break period in which
visitors and guest exchange pleasantries and refreshment.
Act three (Evening Session):
This act is a dramatization of a traditional legend
about a wicked village and their inhuman treatment of an old man.
The play begins with the entrance of an old man who
goes to the elders of a village begging them to allow him to fall a
tree, which is very close to the community so that he can use it to
carve a canoe for his fishing occupation. The elders refused to inform
the stranger that "Okuyaye", the dreaded fairy, lives on the said tree.
They accepted money, drinks, and the customary kola-nuts from the old
man before granting him the permission to go ahead to fall the tree. On
his first attempt the fairy "Okuyaye" brutalised him. He reported his
encounter with Okuyaye to the elders who dismissed his story and asked
him to go ahead to fall the tree. On his second and third attempts the
same thing happened to him. Frustrated, he went back to the elders,
asking for a refund of his money but the elders refused him and drove
him away. He left dejected but not without a curse on the village. The
old man's curse became effective later when Okuyaye became
uncontrollable, flogging and chasing their women and children on their
way to the farm. As the village became very unsafe for them, they
abandoned the village and went to look for a new settlement.
The entire three-act play is presented amid dialogue
with songs and dances accompanied by music produced from traditional
drums.
The use of Costume:
Costumes are very elaborate. The masquerades carry
head mask that are the totem of the god or gods they represent. These
totems are highly conventionalized and are easily recognizable by the
audience. Since the masquerades are believed to have come from the
water, beauty is one of their attributes. The masquerades costumes are
usually made of a light cotton or silk material with another more heavy
material, preferably velveteen, properly tucked in from the waist down
to the knee level. The legs are painted white which connotes
invisibility, with traditional "akwa" tied to the legs to produce a
jingling sound as the masquerades move about. To be able to
differentiate between masquerades, as between father and mother, or
between father and son, one has to be conversant with the predominant
convention in costuming. The role of color is very important. The male
is costumes in grey, connoting old age, the female costumed in green
connoting fertility, while the child is costumed in yellow, which
connotes youthfulness.
Staging Technique:
The staging device explored is the arena staging and
it is in its most traditional form. The audience gathers in the village
square standing semi-circular facing the shrine. And for an auditorium,
a canopy is raised with palm fronts to accommodate the drummers and
elders of the community to shield them from the heat of the December
sun. No seat is provided, but the individual is allowed to bring seats
for themselves.
The Choric Force:
The women, girls, and youths of the "Udumu" (Quarter)
of the community make up the choric force and they are an integral part
of the performance.
The Orchestra:
Music is produced by three (3) set of drums viz: -
Three drums played in a roll by the Odje-Igede (master drummer) which
are the "Agba, Izui-Igede, and Omi-Igede. The "aberse", and "Ekpe".
The dance movements and gestures are dictated by the
Odje-Igede. A good display of dancing skill is crowned with the women
cheering "I--Iye". However, the masquerade's could be provoked with a
bad play of drumming skills, as this make the masquerade to falter in
his steps.
TOURISM POTENTIALS FOR ECONOMIC EMPOWERMENT.
The viability of African traditional performances as
money-spinner in the tourism sector has been well established in the
presentation of Osun festival, Okere Juju of the Itsekiri people of
Warri, the Kanji fishing festival amongst other numerous traditional
tourist centers in the country. "Many nations across the globe are
becoming increasingly aware of the economic, social and cultural
potentials of tourism to the growth and development of society" (Doki,
191) As has been noted by Doki, since the establishment of the Nigerian
Tourism Board by Decree No. 55 of 1977 and its subsequent coming into
effect in 1978, it was hoped that the decree will go all out to seek
parallel avenues for the development of tourism sector in Nigeria to a
stage where it could compete favorably with other nations of the world,
but sad enough we are still on the fence overlooking the Yankari Game
Reserve, Obudu Cattle Ranch, and a few waterfalls scattered around the
nation and the National Troupe as major tourist attraction (Doki, 192).
Nigeria needs to look beyond these categories and
explore the huge amount of varied creative cultural forms available in
the country. Theatrical arts especially embody the culture of a people
in totality and so serve as a veritable source of tourist attraction.
Thus if properly harnessed and packaged, the
possibilities for economic empowerment of the Edegbrode Annual festival
for tourism are many. For a vibrant art culture to flourish towards an
economic end, there must be a conscious awareness and knowledge by the
host community of the economic potentials of the art form and practical
efforts made towards harnessing it for economic ends.
OTHER FORMS OF ECONOMIC POTENTIALS.
Other forms of economic activity which the festival
can generate apart from its tourism potentials is in packaging of the
festival as a touring theatre troupe which can help provide employment
for the traditional people and also help to sell Okpe culture at home
and abroad to complement the efforts of Chief Owin Sadjere and his
Midaka Dance Troupe and other similar endeavors within the Okpe kingdom.
The economic viability of touring theatre companies is not in question.
All that is needed is the will to develop a theatre company that is
capable of being a cultural ambassador for the kingdom. It is for want
of such entertainment companies within the Okpe kingdom that indigenes
go out to pay for performers from other cultures during important
occasions and sometime pay heavily for it. In this wise I sincerely
appreciate the efforts of emerging Okpe popular musicians and pay homage
to the doyen of Okpe music, Late Igbikume Azano for his pioneering role
and several others for helping to bring Okpe popular music to limelight.
In the face of the current marginalization of the Okpe
nation and attempts by other larger ethnic groups to systematically
annex and assimilate the Okpe people under the larger umbrella of other
ethnic groups within the nation, the arts becomes a means of our
asserting our cultural and linguistic uniqueness, which establishes our
identity as a different people. As the saying goes, "Okpe san" (Okpe is
unique). Those pillars of our culture and tradition, which stresses our
uniqueness, need to be studied and encouraged to grow. In this regards,
I salute the efforts of Chief Owin Sadjere and his Midaka troupe for
taking Okpe dances into the international arena and into the national
archive of Nigerian dances. This singular effort is most commendable.
Also, with the Edegbrode Annual Festival lies the raw
material that could be harnessed for the growing film industry in
Nigeria. No doubt that the film medium has come to be a very powerful
money-spinner and employs quite a large number of people in its
production. The Calabar Cultural festival and the recently concluded
Rivers State Carnival Float all speak of the economic potentials within
the filmic medium of our culture that is embedded in our traditional
festival celebrations.
The timing of the festival which falls into the
Christmas and New Year holidays which is a period that is known for its
fluidity with which cash exchange hands, the business of buying and
selling is at its peak during this period. The festival offers the
occasion for petty trading.
When traditional performances are presented, good
performance spurs the audience to "spray" money on the performers. The
act of money spraying is a way of audience appreciation of the
performance and a means of paying for the performance, which could be
likened to the Western concept of gate-takings. Since there are no
formal structures housing the performances, it is expected that the
audience will show their appreciation of a good performance by spraying
money on the performers. Monies received in this manner goes to augment
the cost of the performance and the surplus goes to supplement the
performers earnings.
CONCLUSION:
Since the time of Aristotle, who traced the root of
classical tragedy to religion, Men like Andrew Horn (1981) have argued
further that drama has its root even deeper in religion. Not left out in
this school of thought is J. N. Amankulor and Ossie O. Enekwe. On the
other hand, men like M .J .C. Echeruo are saying that, "African
performances (with regard particularly to Igbo drama) should force
ritual to yield its result" (Echeruo, 1981). In other words, they are
saying that African drama should break loose from religion and throw
ritual into the waste bin of time; without which, they say, Africa
cannot claim to have what is called true drama.
Furthermore, Ruth Fenigan seems to want African drama
to follow the Aristotelian plot structure of cause and effect.
Forgetting that the Aristotelian plot structure may be canonized to some
extent, it should not be seen as a universal yardstick for accessing
what true drama is. If it were to be so, then, the Indian Sanskrit
plays, the Chinese Kabuki and Chinese Noh plays that violate the
Aristotelian plot structure and unity of time, cannot be referred to as
theatre.
Finally, it could be inferred from the brief analysis
of the Edegbrode Annual festival that it is purely a youth play that
makes use of religion as a vehicle for exploitation. Since community
government is maintain through a balance of set rules and laws with
taboos dictated by the do's and don'ts of the religion of the people,
religion is woven into the fabric of the total organization of communal
life, theatre therefore which is part of communal life cannot be an
exception. When it is acknowledged that religion is an integral part in
the African belief system, which punctuates the entire way of life of
the African, the answer as to why traditional African drama and theatre
is so structured will not be far-fetched.
The uniqueness of African traditional theatre lies in
its ritual-religious mode of expression, which today, a careful survey
will reveal European and American performances are leaning towards and
are seeking to enrich their performance style with African performance
as Augusto Boal's experiment in Latin America has revealed. Africa has
developed its own kind of drama based on the need of its people. Its
Drama and Theatre, which it has in abundance, therefore should be
allowed to flourish along with its culture in which religion is not an
isolated island.